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Interview with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev for the Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper

– Kassym-Jomart Kemelevich, thank you for taking the time from your busy schedule to speak with the Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper. The Kazakh press eagerly awaits your insights on matters concerning our society. Today, I'd like to discuss these topics with you.

What notable events stand out for you from the past year?

– Let me begin by expressing congratulations to all our fellow citizens as we mark the arrival of the New Year.

In 2023, our nation achieved significant milestones. We've seen the completion of major political reforms. The Constitutional Court commenced its operations. Elections for deputies of the Mazhilis and maslikhats at all levels were conducted under new regulations. Additionally, we witnessed the first elections of district and city akims, with about 700 rural akims elected last year.

In our pursuit of building a fair and competitive economic landscape, we've addressed diversification and demonopolization challenges, revamped infrastructure, supported businesses, and attracted investments.

Significant strides have also been made in the social sphere. Construction of schools, including "comfortable schools," has begun nationwide, alongside the establishment of medical facilities in rural areas. We’ve introduced a Social Code which aims to support vulnerable citizens. Special payments have been approved for those employed in hazardous conditions and environmental services. Moreover, the salaries of healthcare workers and teachers have been increased. The law on contributions to children from the National Fund has been approved. Additionally, a new methodology for determining the minimum wage has been adopted, factoring in key economic indicators, including inflation.

Building upon these achievements, 2024 holds particular significance as it lays the groundwork for the country's next five-year development cycle. We will proceed advancing toward our objectives.

– What are your expectations for the upcoming year, and what are the main challenges the country is facing?

– In my September Address to the Nation, I outlined the transition to a new economic model, aiming to double GDP by 2029. An extended Government meeting will soon convene to evaluate the socio-economic development results and chart further tactics in this direction.

The National Kurultai meetings serve as a platform for discussing ideological issues and updating societal values. Traditionally held in summer, this year we're likely to schedule the meeting for spring.

Consequently, the first quarter will shape the country's primary agenda across economic, socio-political, and humanitarian domains.

We'll continue a constructive and balanced foreign policy, mindful of our national interests. In 2024, Kazakhstan will host several summits and forums, assuming chairmanship of several international organizations simultaneously: the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the Organization of Turkic States, the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, and the Islamic Organization for Food Security.

The hosting of the World Nomad Games in Kazakhstan will be a significant event. It will help promote national sports and healthy living, and foster cultural and humanitarian bonds among our peoples, heirs to the nomadic civilization of the Great Steppe.

Celebrating notable historical figures will bolster our national identity. This year marks the 125th anniversary of renowned scientist Kanysh Satpayev's birth and the 100th anniversary of heroes Sagadat Nurmagambetov and Rakhymzhan Koshkarbaev. Additionally, historians mark 2024 as the 800th anniversary of the Golden Horde's formation. The anniversary prompted extensive research showcasing our statehood's centuries-old roots. A multi-volume book on Kazakhstan's history, involving over 200 domestic and 60 foreign scholars, nears completion.

Amidst these significant events, routine daily tasks persist. The year's historical significance hinges on the collective efforts of all citizens. In my New Year's Address, I said that while a new wave of prosperity awaits our nation in the coming year, we all have to work hard to achieve this goal.

– It’s been two years since the tragic January events. They marked a pivotal moment that heralded a new era in Kazakhstan's history. While you've already provided assessments of those tragic days in your speeches and interviews, lingering questions persist. There are different interpretations, leaving many to ponder the events' character today. What, in your opinion, were the main causes and underlying factors leading up to these events?

– I've spent a lot of time reflecting on these questions, and continue to do so. Years of unresolved socio-economic issues and overall stagnation, which ultimately led to governmental and societal degradation, led to the tragic events of January. This is evident.

Following my election as President in 2019, I tried to democratize the political landscape, liberalize public discourse, and dismantle economic monopolies. Social and civil activists, alongside experts, actively contributed to reform initiatives. Numerous proposals were made across various dialogue platforms, including sessions of the National Council of Public Trust, which I established.

Frankly, this new direction was met with vehement opposition from influential figures who viewed it as a threat to their power and privileged status. Over time, this resistance to reforms, both overt and covert, intensified. Ultimately, trying to halt the transformation and reinstate the previous order, they opted for extreme measures.

These high-ranking officials wielded significant influence over security forces and criminal elements, thus opting for a violent coup. According to investigations, preparations began around mid-2021. Subsequently, the government's ill-advised decision to abruptly hike liquefied gas prices led to demonstrations in the Mangistau region.

On my orders, the government formed a special commission to negotiate with protest representatives and seek a compromise. However, the protests escalated into extremism, exploited by the conspirators.

An investigation by the Prosecutor General's Office revealed a "wave-like" progression in the development of the January events.

Initially, rallies erupted in the Mangystau region, quickly spreading to other regions. Despite attempts at negotiation and dialogue to find compromise solutions, the organizers of the unrest remained obstinate.

The situation escalated further as clashes erupted across several regions. It played into the hands of conspirators who sought to escalate the situation through trained provocateurs. Even in such a difficult situation, law enforcement agencies refrained from resorting to force. This was the second wave.

The third wave started with the involvement of criminal syndicates, manipulated by conspirators and linked to terrorists, including foreign elements. Using special tactics and technology, these criminals hijacked peaceful protests, transforming them into violent riots. Armed bandits and terrorists joined in, launching coordinated attacks on government buildings, law enforcement agencies, and military installations in Almaty and several other cities. During this period, over three thousand weapons, including machine guns and grenade launchers, were stolen. Terrorists also attacked transport and telecommunications infrastructure.

Extremists, criminals, and religious radicals attempted to overthrow the government, instilling fear among citizens, disrupting state institutions, and challenging the constitutional order.

The situation reached a critical point, with the country teetering on the brink of chaos. To prevent disaster, I personally oversaw every measure taken, monitoring developments around the clock. The Ministry of Internal Affairs received information about imminent threats, including potential attacks on Akorda. I was recommended to leave the residence and evacuate abroad. Despite these risks, I stayed, vowing to remain at my post under any circumstances. For two weeks, I remained in the Akorda Presidential Palace, presiding over late-night and early-morning operational meetings. During this period, the main objective was to preserve our state and restore law and order.

– How prudent was the decision to invite Russian military personnel to Kazakhstan? There has been a lot of talk in the neighboring country regarding their pivotal role during the unrest in Kazakhstan.

– Amidst the turmoil and chaos across regions, the Security Council convened and opted to appeal to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to deploy a peacekeeping contingent to ensure stability and security. It's important to emphasize that the appeal was not directed solely to Russia, but to the CSTO, of which Kazakhstan is a member.

At the time of the appeal, Armenia held the chairmanship of the organization, which transitioned to Kazakhstan this year. The CSTO contingent served as peacekeepers, acting as a stabilizing force during those tumultuous days. Through mutual agreement with member countries, the contingent left the country without any conditions and ahead of schedule.

Notably, the CSTO peacekeepers weren’t involved in counter-terrorism operations and did not engage in combat. The Armenian contingent was guarding the city's water canal and the Aksai bakery, the Belarusian contingent secured the airfield in Zhetygen, while the Tajik and Kyrgyz contingents respectively protected CHPP-1 and CHPP-2 in Almaty. The Russian contingent safeguarded CHPP-3 and telecommunications facilities. Given the threats of potential terrorist attacks on critical infrastructure, the contingent was strategically deployed to these locations. Crucially, this freed up our own forces to conduct counter-terrorism operations.

– The events were obviously a failed coup attempt. What would you say to those who assert that it was a rebellion, nearly a revolution?

– The whole world witnessed how peaceful demonstrations turned into violent chaos. Do people attend peaceful protests armed with machine guns and blades? Do they assault and murder military personnel, mocking them and using them as human shields? Do they loot shops and banks, or set cars on fire? Not to mention the assaults on government buildings and police precincts. The total damage incurred from these atrocities amounted to about three billion dollars.

It is not wise to fabricate speculative stories about the origins and consequences of the unrest. I’ll say it straight: discussions about an alleged uprising contribute to the whitewashing of criminal deeds. Such reckless dialogues perpetuate the glorification of criminals and foster a criminal mindset within society. This advocates for further unrest to the detriment of national security and the welfare of people. This poses a grave threat. Therefore, both the state and society must unite in denouncing lawlessness - of this, I am convinced.

– How can citizens effectively voice their dissent towards governmental actions?

– We have created all the conditions for people to express their discontent with governmental decisions. Citizens are encouraged to openly address issues. Aligning with the principles of a "listening state," I have mandated government agencies to earnestly consider public sentiment. Moreover, we have enacted democratic legislation governing peaceful assemblies, alongside recent legislation facilitating the submission and evaluation of petitions.

It is important to understand: while peaceful protests are permissible, mass riots are intolerable and will be met with firm suppression. The rule of law must reign – this is my firm position. Even in Western democracies, those who orchestrate street riots and assaults on government institutions face stern consequences.

The police identified instigators of the January unrest – those who called for resistance against the authorities, participated in stealing and distribution of weapons, aggravated aggression, and led crowds in acts of violence. A clear distinction was made between ordinary, often unwitting participants and the instigators. I opted to grant amnesty to individuals ensnared by provocateurs, extending clemency to 1,095 out of 1,205 previously convicted individuals. However, organizers of riots and individuals sentenced for acts of terrorism, treason, attempted coup, and other offenses will serve their full sentences.

– The next question might be uncomfortable for you, but I feel compelled to ask. Since you took office as President in 2019, there have been discussions within the country about the dual power system. Some have likened our political model to that of Iran or Singapore. It seemed as though there were two presidents in the country. Could you provide insight into this perception?

– Since you've brought up such an important issue, I need to be frank. As per the Constitution, it's the President's prerogative to set the main directions for both domestic and foreign policy, as well as appoint and dismiss senior officials and high-ranking Armed Forces personnel. The President also holds the position of Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

However, there were indeed efforts to establish a dual power structure, and I must say, these attempts were characterized by their determination and organization. During the “transit of power,” political manipulators have created a sort of parallel center of power. We had a President and Supreme Commander-in-Chief, as well as an ex-president serving as the Chairman of the Security Council. This could ultimately lead to a power conflict.

Furthermore, this situation was one of the underlying causes of the January crisis. The conspirators attempted to exploit the dual power model to their advantage. You may recall statements from several officials, including the former Minister of Justice, suggesting that Nursultan Nazarbayev's status was superior to that of the current President. Some officials played a double game and ended up fooling themselves. I personally told Nursultan Nazarbayev that the political maneuvering, especially among his closest associates, nearly tore the country apart.

I believe that there should be no concept of "senior and junior presidents" whatsoever. If you're stepping down, it should be a definitive departure. This is a significant lesson for future leaders, who must be vigilant against such occurrences and always prioritize the interests of the state and society.

Unfortunately, during times of internal political crisis, heads of law enforcement agencies displayed a lack of professionalism and, in some cases, even betrayal.

The January uprising highlighted the need to establish a stable and effective system of state institutions operating in accordance with the law. We, as a nation, overcame this crisis, emerged stronger, and prevented a greater catastrophe solely due to the unity of our citizens and the right actions of officials. Subsequent investigations revealed that some conspirators were taken aback by the level of unity among the people and the political resolve of the authorities.

– Since the January protests, an overhaul of political structures has been underway, a transformation noted even in Western spheres. Can we say that we've passed a point of no return separating us from our recent past? Are you sure that these changes are indeed irreversible?

– As I mentioned earlier, political reforms were initiated in 2019. We have established the National Council of Public Trust, which implemented important legislative initiatives. Notable amendments were made to electoral, political party, and parliamentary legislation. For the first time, the country started talking openly about the oligopolistic grip on politics and economics.

These reforms were a direct threat to those comfortable under conditions of political and economic monopoly. So, they made an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the tide.

Following the January events, concerns arose that authorities might tighten controls and preserve the regime. However, we did the opposite, taking a more difficult but ultimately correct path.

By 2022, the process of political modernization accelerated. Our main objective was to foster a fairer and more balanced political landscape. Equally important was ensuring that the political reforms were irreversible.

To achieve this goal, various safeguards were implemented as part of the constitutional reform.

Firstly, the Constitutional Court was reestablished as the highest arbiter of constitutional control. It guarantees the supremacy of the Constitution. Although it may seem akin to a mere rebranding of the former Constitutional Council, the dynamics have evolved significantly. Decisions of the Constitutional Court hold ultimate authority. Even the President cannot revise its decisions, including those relating to the constitutional rights of citizens.

Any proposed changes or additions to the Constitution must receive endorsement from the Constitutional Court before being subjected to a republican referendum or parliamentary consideration.

It's noteworthy that out of the eleven judges comprising the Constitutional Court, six, constituting the majority, are appointed by parliamentary chambers. Additionally, the appointment of the Chairman, while made by the President, needs Senate approval.

Secondly, the Constitution clearly states fundamental principles. For instance, Article 91 safeguards state independence, territorial unity, governmental structure, and crucially, the provision for a single seven-year presidential term.

Thirdly, the powers of the Mazhilis were significantly expanded. The Mazhilis has now formed a new electoral model comprising party lists and single-mandate constituencies.

In essence, returning to the old system is impossible. Today, we can confidently say that political reforms in Kazakhstan are not merely systemic but, crucially, irreversible. The nation's political consciousness has undergone a profound shift, with legal literacy and citizen engagement emerging as the primary guarantors of democratic progress. People will stand by these hard-won changes and prevent any regressions.

– Meanwhile, critics of the authorities, both domestically and in the West, continue to raise concerns about the existence of political prisoners in our country. Is there any truth to these claims?

– Political persecution usually manifests through censorship, discriminatory laws, and oppressive governmental bodies. Such elements are absent in contemporary Kazakhstan. Not a single decree, law, or regulatory measure exists within our legal framework that could be leveraged to prosecute individuals based on their political beliefs.

On the contrary, the reforms have bolstered the system for protecting human rights. Legislative revisions have fortified the autonomy of the judiciary. The scope of cases eligible for jury trials has been broadened. The Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights, now constitutionally recognized, now operates within the nation. The steadfast commitment to these reforms is underscored by the recent signing of a second decree focused on human rights.

The main duty of the authorities is to uphold law and order, ensuring that any transgressions are met with appropriate consequences. However, political ideologies and viewpoints are wholly unrelated to matters of law enforcement.

Despite warnings from the prosecutor's office, certain individuals persist in breaking the law, seemingly in pursuit of public notoriety. In essence, they place themselves above the law.

It's puzzling to consider allegations of political persecution in a country with many independent media outlets and no political censorship.

Moreover, we have approved a new law governing rallies. Now, organizing a rally simply requires notifying the authorities, rather than seeking permission. As a result, the number of peaceful demonstrations in Kazakhstan has increased significantly.

In my addresses, I have advocated for the resolution of all issues through civilized means – not through protests, but via dialogue platforms, particularly within Parliament.

Today, Parliament boasts a diverse political spectrum, reflecting the myriad viewpoints of our society. The institution of parliamentary opposition is enshrined in law.

In the aftermath of the recent elections, six parties secured seats in the Mazhilis, with three parties securing deputy mandates for the first time. Additionally, one of these parliamentary parties is oppositional.

Numerous foreign politicians and experts, including those from Western nations, have voiced support for our democratic reforms, recognizing their progressive nature. Indeed, within our geopolitical context, Kazakhstan is the only nation to have undergone such extensive democratic transformations and achieved notable results in safeguarding human rights.

– Rumors are circulating on social media about plans for a referendum on the Constitution and speculation regarding your potential candidacy in the 2026 presidential elections. Is there any truth to these claims?

– No, these rumors are false. I believe that making arbitrary amendments to the Constitution, especially on matters of such fundamental importance, is no longer possible. The constitutional reform was not undertaken to allow for arbitrary alterations to the Basic Law.

The provision for a single presidential term remains unchanged in the Constitution. This principle is as steadfast as those governing our state's independence, unity, territorial integrity, and governmental structure.

Since we're discussing this matter, I’d like to share some insights. I initially expressed the idea of a single seven-year term during closed discussions around 15 years ago. At that time, the proposal did not garner support. However, after assuming the presidency, I carefully weighed the pros and cons, contemplating how this idea could be implemented.

In 2022, several constitutional changes were enacted to curb excessive presidential powers. It was then that I proposed the concept of a single seven-year term. This initiative garnered support across the nation, underscoring its significance.

– Let's delve into the realm of economics. In the 2023 Address to the Nation, you outlined a new economic course for a Fair Kazakhstan, setting the goal of doubling the national economy by 2029 to reach $450 billion. However, forecasts from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank suggest that economic growth in Kazakhstan for 2023-2024 will likely hover around 3-4%. Given these projections, how feasible is it to achieve this goal?

– This goal is entirely attainable. According to analysts at the International Monetary Fund, by the end of 2023, Kazakhstan's GDP volume in current prices is expected to exceed $259 billion, marking a 15% increase compared to 2022. This constitutes the most substantial nominal growth across Central Asia.

Encouraging trends are also evident in GDP per capita. The projected figure for 2023 was nearly $13,000, with an estimated annual growth of $1,600. According to IMF forecasts, this figure is expected to surge to $16.8 thousand by 2028.

It's worth noting that while macroeconomic indicators are important, my primary concern lies in the well-being of our citizens.

These favorable forecasts can materialize if the government adopts innovative approaches to economic governance, with two key directions in mind.

Firstly, we need to address targeted tasks capable of catalyzing national development. This includes the execution of significant industrial ventures. In the September Address, the Government was instructed to list potential large-scale projects and formulate an Infrastructure Development Plan. These projects are currently under scrutiny, and consultations are underway with major enterprises, institutional investors, and the expert community.

We also need to resolve the critical issue of investment attraction, notably through privatization and asset repatriation. Substantial investments can boost the economy and spawn new growth nodes. I have recently established an Investment Headquarters, endowed with extensive powers to enhance the investment climate and ensure the high-quality execution of investment projects.

Secondly, we need to implement systemic reforms geared towards institutionalizing new economic paradigms.

The Government is crafting a new Tax Code aimed at recalibrating the state-business relationship. In reforming the tax system, we must depart from a purely fiscal standpoint. Striking a balance between fostering favorable conditions for investors and sustaining requisite budgetary revenue is crucial.

Equally important is the new Budget Code. We need to change our approach to budgetary allocations, prioritizing rationality, frugality, and judicious utilization.

New laws on public procurement and public-private partnerships have a significant role to play here. They will ensure transparency in government procurements while laying the financial groundwork for economic advancement.

Special emphasis must be placed on enhancing the efficiency of the quasi-public sector. Measures for its modernization have been delineated, with practical implementation now underway.

Answering your question, it's important to note that the global economic landscape undoubtedly influences our nation. However, every challenge presents new prospects. The government must devise an action plan that accounts for all plausible scenarios. All initiatives to stimulate economic growth must be accompanied by structural reforms aimed at nurturing entrepreneurship and competition, safeguarding private property, and upholding justice. With this approach, we will double the national economy within the designated timeframe.

– Our newspaper often receives inquiries from people struggling to repay their consumer loans. What measures are being taken to address this issue?

– The mounting debt burden is indeed troubling, as it directly impacts people's social well-being and the stability of the financial system. One of my earliest actions upon assuming the presidency was the issuance of the 2019 Decree on reducing the debt burden for people facing challenging life circumstances. As part of this initiative, unsecured loans for 500 thousand individuals were waived. In 2023, the personal bankruptcy law was enacted. These were significant steps towards solving the problem. In last year's Address, I directed the Government to address the root causes of the issue, primarily stemming from low financial literacy among citizens. Additionally, regulatory oversight of consumer lending and collection agency operations must be strengthened.

Some progress has already been made in this regard. Over recent years, capital requirements for banks and microfinance organizations engaging in consumer lending have been raised fivefold. A ban has been introduced on issuing new loans to individuals with outstanding payments on existing loans, as well as on the accrual of interest beyond a 90-day delinquency period. Collection agencies are being constantly inspected.

To protect borrowers’ rights, stricter requirements are now imposed on microfinance organizations, collection agencies, and banks. The measures include restrictions on the sale of loans to debt collectors. Collection companies will be responsible for handling acquired debt settlement procedures. Moreover, the powers of the banking ombudsman is being expanded. These legislative proposals are currently under consideration by the Mazhilis, and I am ready to support these initiatives.

– Today, many people express concerns regarding rising prices and tariffs, employment challenges, and the overall situation in various regions. Given the Government's preoccupation with numerous operational matters, can it effectively address strategic issues? How do you evaluate the overall effectiveness of the Government?

– Governments worldwide face both operational and strategic imperatives, and Kazakhstan is no exception. To succeed, we must allocate resources optimally and implement efficient planning strategies.

It's noteworthy that the current Government took office just last spring. The constitutional reform and parliamentary elections effectively reset the mandates of Parliament and the Government. According to the Constitution, the Government relinquished its authority to the newly elected Mazhilis. The Amanat Party, securing the majority of seats in the Mazhilis, proposed the new Prime Minister. They made this decision in consultation with the President. Notably, the economic agenda outlined by the party largely aligns with the program of the Government.

The Government's mandate has been bolstered. Following a September reorganization, the Presidential Administration focused on steering the country's socio-economic development. It no longer patronizes the Government and individual ministries. Now, the Administration functions as a political hub, refraining from micromanaging the executive branch. Previous functions have been delegated to the Government, which now makes industry-specific decisions. Moreover, regional budget autonomy has been increased.

Essentially, the Government has a wide array of tools. However, a well-conceived strategy and commitment to fulfilling assigned objectives are imperative. The Government sought greater autonomy and expanded powers, and these have been granted. However, the government will face specific demands from now on.

– In my opinion, the Government is having difficulty in ensuring the uninterrupted operation of the country's fuel and energy sector and public utilities. During emergencies, we must address accidents promptly and maintain the supply of heat, energy, and water across Kazakhstan. How did this situation arise?

– The lamentable state of thermal power plants and public utilities stems from years of neglect. It's evident that the current issues didn't arise overnight but have been accumulating for years. The wear and tear of heating plants and other equipment in regions have reached alarming levels, with deterioration reaching up to 80 percent. Additionally, investments in public utilities have consistently fallen short of meeting the sector's needs.

Furthermore, certain individuals exaggerate normal occurrences at power facilities and portray the heat supply situation as a "tragedy."

The modernization of engineering infrastructure nationwide is a very large-scale and complex task, but it is being gradually solved.

During the spring and summer months, the Government and local authorities ensured thorough preparation for the heating season. They have addressed critical issues at problematic sites.

Currently, the primary objective is to prevent serious accidents and disruptions in heating supply to residential areas. However, the ultimate goal is to implement new capacities, upgrade networks, and modernize the entire public utilities sector.

While heating networks may withstand current demands to some extent, the Government and local authorities need to address the underlying issues comprehensively.

– The concerning situation with heat supply makes us doubt our country's energy security. In your Address to the Nation, you highlighted the consideration of building a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan through a national referendum. Despite nuclear power being "green" energy, people are hesitant about its construction, with geopolitical implications at play. What is your opinion on this matter?

– Clean nuclear energy holds great importance for Kazakhstan's future economic development. As the world's leading producer of natural uranium and possessing our own nuclear fuel component production, the construction of nuclear power plants within our borders warrants special attention. Decisions about energy security should be based on capabilities and scientific research, rather than driven by geopolitical factors.

Some people are critical of nuclear power plant construction, understandably influenced by memories of the tests at the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site. There are other issues such as project costs and environmental impacts.

Acknowledging the gravity of this issue, I proposed subjecting the decision on nuclear power plant construction to a national referendum. This initiative aligns with the principles of a "listening state" and a Fair Kazakhstan, as outlined in my electoral platform during the 2019 elections.

We will hold public consultations, allowing citizens to consider all pros and cons to be able to make a balanced decision. Ultimately, the decision will rest with the people.

– The past year has been particularly dynamic in the realm of foreign policy for Kazakhstan. The country participated in numerous summits and forums, fostering dialogue with world leaders. The regional C5+ format gained significant traction too. This success owes much to Kazakhstan's esteemed standing in global diplomacy. Looking ahead, what significant foreign policy events can we anticipate in the near future?

– By maintaining a balanced and pragmatic foreign policy, Kazakhstan protects its national interests and addresses strategic challenges. Our priorities are safeguarding sovereignty and territorial integrity, advocating for the rights of Kazakhstani citizens, and fostering favorable conditions for sustained economic growth. Serving as the Foreign Secretary for a decade, I was involved in developing these priorities.

In the current difficult geopolitical conditions, we need to develop mutually beneficial and pragmatic cooperation with all our foreign partners and, above all, neighboring states.

The growing relevance of the C5+ format underscores the dynamism of Central Asia, presenting opportunities for trade, investment, business, and innovation. As interest in the region escalates globally, so does the demand for dialogue within the C5+ platform.

Significant strides have been made in fostering dialogue among Central Asian nations, as exemplified by the productive annual Consultative Meetings of the Heads of State of Central Asia. Notably, Kazakhstan will host the forthcoming meeting of this format.

In 2024, Kazakhstan will chair several influential regional and international organizations and associations. Noteworthy among upcoming events is the Astana International Forum scheduled for June. It will bring together leaders from various states and global companies to address issues such as climate change, food security, and energy sustainability.

Equally significant is the collaboration with France in organizing the One Water Summit on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. This summit will focus on pressing environmental challenges.

– Presidential elections in Russia are scheduled for March 2024. How will this event affect the global and regional agenda?

 

– Many nations will hold elections this year, including the USA, Azerbaijan, Great Britain, India, and others, alongside elections for the European Parliament. Naturally, we will closely monitor these electoral processes.

Of particular interest to us are the presidential elections in Russia, given the close ties between Astana and Moscow. Russia stands as Kazakhstan's primary strategic partner and ally. Over the past three decades, we've built strong interstate relations, boasting over 300 treaties and agreements. Bilateral cooperation mechanisms span nearly every aspect of our engagement.

High-level political dialogue continues to develop, both within multilateral structures and on matters concerning regional stability and global security.

A pivotal event from the previous year was the official visit of Vladimir Putin to Kazakhstan. During our discussions, we reaffirmed the friendly nature of our strategic partnership.

Russia is one of Kazakhstan's main trade and economic partners, with the trade turnover between our nations reaching $21.4 billion over the course of 10 months in 2023. This comes as no surprise, as we share the longest land border in the world.

We prioritize the expansion of cultural, humanitarian, scientific, and educational ties between our nations. Notably, this year marks the 225th anniversary of the birth of the esteemed Russian poet, Alexander Pushkin. This anniversary is important not just for Russia, but also for Kazakhstan, as Pushkin, akin to our revered Abai, is a symbol of the enduring friendship and cultural exchange between our peoples.

We must remember that Russia plays an important role in world politics and remains a permanent member of the UN Security Council. President Vladimir Putin, as a prominent world leader, shapes the global agenda. The international community heeds Russia's opinion in addressing global challenges.

Thus, the forthcoming presidential elections in Russia will have great international significance, capturing the attention of nations worldwide.

– Relations with China hold a special significance in Kazakhstan's foreign policy agenda. In recent years, there has been a notable shift in Kazakh society's perception of our eastern neighbor. What are the prospects for further enhancing our relations with China?

– At present, Kazakhstan and China are actively cultivating friendship, good neighborliness, and strategic partnership.

Together with President Xi Jinping, we have embarked on a new era of cooperation, often referred to as the "golden thirty years". This is underscored by my two visits to China last year, where significant agreements were reached and concrete steps outlined for their implementation.

Such personal contacts fully reflect the high level of relations between Astana and Beijing. Indeed, Kazakh-Chinese relations serve as a model for successful interstate collaboration.

Our mutual trade turnover has witnessed remarkable growth, reaching $24.3 billion by the end of the first 10 months of 2023. Efforts are underway to further diversify our exports and expand the volume of goods supplied to China.

Moreover, China remains one of the largest investors in Kazakhstan's economy, with Chinese investments totaling $24 billion.

Given our common border and Kazakhstan's strategic geographic location between East and West, there are immense opportunities for transit trade, particularly of Chinese goods. During the Third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, we signed agreements on the joint development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route and the construction of the Ayagoz-Tacheng railway. I believe it will bolster the development of our transport and logistics sector. Kazakhstan supports China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative, as reiterated in my address at the Beijing forum last October.

The recent implementation of a visa-free regime between our nations is a significant milestone, enabling Kazakh citizens to freely visit China. I hope that many of our citizens will take advantage of this opportunity.

It's important to dispel any outdated apprehensions about China. Today, China is a highly developed state, particularly in the realm of technology, garnering recognition worldwide. Thus, we need to foster cooperation with our eastern neighbor and leverage the benefits of our strong and mutually trusting relationship.

– At the recent ceremony honoring the recipients of the Paryz and Altyn Sapa awards, you urged fellow citizens to look ahead and concentrate on long-term objectives. You emphasized the importance of avoiding regressive tendencies and staying focused on progress. What was the essence of your message, and what areas do you believe our society should prioritize?

– In addition to addressing immediate concerns, it's crucial for us to focus on long-range goals. Often, we linger on trivial matters, waste energy on inconsequential issues, or worse, allow ourselves to be swayed by someone else's misguided agenda. We must stay focused on our strategic national objectives.

We must avoid slipping into archaic mindsets, indulging in fruitless debates about bygone glories or grievances. History forms a vital component of our national identity, and we must preserve it. Significant strides have been made, including the publication of books, the establishment of specialized research institutions, and the modernization of existing ones. Recently, extensive research on the rehabilitation of victims of Stalin's repressions was completed. Thus, the study of our centuries-old history and the restoration of historical justice will always remain our priority.

However, we should not only remember who we were, but determine who we are now and, more importantly, who we aspire to become. We should not dwell on memories, but focus on our aspirations for the future and demonstrate the greatness of our nation through our actions.

We must eliminate cultural imitation, false patriotism, and unchecked boasting. However, we cannot turn a blind eye to existing shortcomings but must work hard to rectify them. This is vital for Kazakhstan's future amidst the turbulence of the contemporary world.

For our nation to develop, we must embrace progressive ideals while shedding regressive tendencies. A culture of productive creativity must permeate our society, with knowledge and innovative thinking reigning supreme, and a pragmatic, realistic approach to life prevailing. I must be frank: not all members of the intelligentsia, who often assume the role of the nation's conscience, fulfill this mission with dignity. Instead of spiritual guidance, we often hear complaining about trivial matters, habitual self-praise, and criticism of the authorities for neglecting their material concerns. Consequently, the development of a national ideology veers off course.

As a forward-thinking nation, we must look ahead, concentrating on what unites rather than divides us. National values should occupy center stage. Though I've often spoken about them, it's worth repeating. Unity, solidarity, hard work, reverence for knowledge, professionalism, mutual support, entrepreneurship, initiative, integrity, modesty, and frugality – these constitute the set of values of a genuine patriot. These virtues will fortify our nation and help us achieve success. By championing these ideals, we will cultivate a new national character.

– I cannot overlook another pressing issue that concerns our society. Recently, incidents of violence have been on the rise. Every day brings distressing news of assaults on women and children, with reports of rape sadly becoming all too common. What steps is the government taking to combat such crimes?

– Under my directives, measures are already underway to prevent and address these crimes. First of all, female investigators will handle cases of violence committed against women and children. Moreover, we have enhanced the operations of law enforcement agencies tasked with protecting women from violence.

Last year, we revised our approach to responding to domestic crimes. Starting from July 1st, police can initiate investigations into domestic violence cases without a formal complaint from the victim. Moreover, we've significantly enhanced administrative and criminal penalties for domestic violence offenses. To alleviate pressure on victims, the possibility of reconciliation between the parties in such cases has been eliminated.

Additionally, deputies are crafting legislation to introduce further measures to combat domestic violence.

– Following the tragic murder of a woman by her husband last November, an online petition began circulating unofficially, calling for stricter penalties for violence against women and children within the family and domestic sphere. However, concerns later arose regarding its legitimacy, given that the petition law is scheduled to come into effect only in April of this year. Many are anxious that the problem will persist. Do you support or oppose tougher penalties for domestic violence?

­­– I support the reinforcement of the principle of "law and order," hence I am in favor of tougher penalties for domestic violence. Regardless of whether the petition adheres to legal requirements, the opinions expressed by citizens within it will be considered – there should be no doubt about that.

However, it's essential to recognize that legislative changes alone will not suffice if society does not adopt a zero-tolerance stance towards any form of violence. It's strange to witness individuals advocating for harsher punishment for violence while glamorizing the "romance" of criminal behavior, idolizing movie characters who break the law or even real-life criminals. We must stand against any attempts to justify antisocial behavior. We must firmly oppose lawlessness and cruelty, rejecting any violation of norms and principles and upholding universal human values.

– The people you work with characterize you as a demanding leader. What principles do you follow in your personnel policy, and how do you build relationships with your subordinates?

– It is important for me that civil servants are not just professionals who perform their duties, but that they show initiative and prove by personal example the usefulness and irreversibility of changes. They must have the relevant knowledge, possess high ethical standards, and maintain discipline.

The personal loyalty of my subordinates is not as important to me as their commitment to the idea of building a Fair Kazakhstan.

The main requirement for officials at all levels is their ability to stay attuned to public sentiments and events, listen to and understand the aspirations of people, respond to them in a timely and effective manner, and make the right decisions. They must adhere to the principle of "not man for the state, but state for man.”

– Continuing the question on personnel... Thanks to the reforms, many young people can realize themselves in the civil service. Young professionals today are represented at all levels, including Parliament, maslikhats, and ministries. You always support the representatives of the new generation. However, there is an opinion that young managers lack experience and depth of views. Do you agree?

– I firmly believe in the potential of our youth. That's why we help young people enter both the executive and legislative branches. The establishment of the Presidential Youth Personnel Reserve is a testament to this commitment. Through selection processes, young professionals are given the opportunity to assume leadership positions within the public service.

As part of political reforms, quotas have been introduced to ensure representation for women, youth, and individuals with special needs in party electoral lists and in the allocation of deputy mandates. This has led to many young patriots assuming roles as deputies in the Mazhilis and maslikhats. These initiatives gave impetus to the renewal of government institutions.

In today's rapidly evolving world, change is occurring daily. New technologies and industries are emerging, prompting revisions to approaches in work and management. In these conditions, the role of young people is vital. They have a progressive mindset, are forward-thinking, and are adept at applying cutting-edge knowledge. Therefore, I disagree with the notion that young people lack depth of views. However, it's essential to maintain a balance of experience and new ideas within power structures. I am aware that certain "experts" say that President Tokayev has kept the system stagnant, with no significant progress, and that the same old personnel are still in power. This is a grave deception, aimed at destabilizing the state. Rushing into experiments can have dire consequences.

Young managers may indeed lack experience, and sometimes their ambition and lack of self-awareness can hinder their effectiveness. However, we will provide opportunities for the new generation of professionals to prove themselves. This policy will continue.

– The memoirs of the First President caused a strong reaction in society. You have probably also read this book. What are your impressions as a direct witness to many of the decisions and events mentioned in the book? Are you going to write your own memoirs someday?

– In my opinion, the memoirs offer a valuable chronicle of the journey toward Independence. As one sage said, even if memoirs contain only 50 percent of the truth, they still provide insight into the magnitude of historical events.

Nursultan Nazarbayev is a figure of historical significance, having witnessed and shaped several epochs. His trajectory from a Komsomol activist under Nikita Khrushchev to his resignation over sixty years later marks a remarkable span of time. His contributions to the establishment of independent Kazakhstan merit careful historical consideration.

Personally, I find memoirs and political essays intriguing to read. However, I currently have no inclination to write my own memoirs.

– There are rumors that you've instructed regional leaders to refrain from greeting you with flowers at the ramp and from organizing lavish feasts, concerts, and shows. Can you confirm this?

– During my first visits to various regions as President, I saw local leaders attempting to arrange extravagant banquets and install billboards. This practice has been stopped. My regional visits are focused on work-related agendas, devoid of unnecessary extravagance. I believe in conducting business efficiently and pragmatically, without the need for extravagant ceremonies or excessive financial expenditures.

– Kassym-Jomart Kemelevich, thank you for this meaningful conversation. I am certain that we have an eventful year ahead of us. As a final personal question, how did you celebrate the New Year in 2024?

– The New Year is a milestone marking the change in calendar dates, but for me, it lacks a sacred meaning. Additionally, we mustn't overlook our own New Year, Nauryz, which symbolizes the renewal of nature's life cycle.

Nauryz represents an opportunity for celebration with new, meaningful, and creative elements introduced. I am confident that this will contribute to the unity of our society and the strengthening of our national identity.

In conclusion, I extend my wishes for happiness and prosperity to all my fellow citizens. May there be harmony and peace in our beloved Kazakhstan, and may our nation continue to prosper!

Interview conducted by Dikhan Kamzabekuly